An insider's view from an advisor who served in both administrations.
By Richard N. Haass | NEWSWEEK
Published May 2, 2009
It was the evening of August 1, 1990 in Washington, and halfway around the world, Iraqi forces, encountering little in the way of resistance, moved quickly to consolidate their control of Kuwait. National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft and I hastily arranged a late interagency meeting, one that would run until the early hours of the morning, on the secure closed-circuit video system. We still didn't know the full extent of Iraq's intentions—but we knew we had to move quickly.
Improvisation was the order of the day. There was no playbook and no contingency plan for dealing with this scenario or anything like it. Agreement was reached to freeze not only Iraqi assets in the United States (the president was awakened in the middle of the night by Brent to sign the necessary papers) but also those of Kuwait. We also decided to go to the United Nations right off the bat to get a Security Council resolution calling for an Iraqi withdrawal. The fact that the Soviets and Chinese lined up with us was a good sign. The Soviets then went a step further by agreeing to a joint statement that backed up the U.N. resolution. This sent a
powerful signal to Saddam. Indeed, it is worth noting that for Secretary of State James Baker it was this action, more than the earlier crumbling of the Berlin Wall, that signified the end of the Cold War.
The first formal NSC meeting of the crisis was convened the morning of August 2 with President George H.W. Bush in the chair. The meeting itself was unfocused. Several people opined about Iraqi intentions and our military and diplomatic options. What worried me (and, as I soon learned, Brent and the president as well) was the apparent readiness of some in the room to acquiesce to what had taken place. They seemed to suggest there was nothing we could do about it and that instead the focus of U.S. policy ought to be on making sure Saddam did not go any farther.
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