http://www.johnedwards2004.com/page.asp?id=104Tuesday, May 20, 2003
Senator Edwards Charts Path From Chaos To Secure And Independent Iraq
WASHINGTON - Senator John Edwards on Tuesday called United States policy in postwar Iraq "confused and chaotic," and outlined steps America and our allies should take to make Iraq a stable democracy that is a model for the Arab world.
"Since that statue of Saddam Hussein came crashing down, America's postwar policy has been confused and chaotic," Senator Edwards said. "The American-led civil administration is under-staffed, under-equipped and unprepared."
Before the Bush administration "undermines all that we have accomplished," Senator Edwards said the United States should:
Involve our allies, the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in establishing a free Iraqi government with legitimacy in the region and around the world.
Create a NATO-led multinational peacekeeping force to ensure that the Iraqi people live in a place that is safe and secure.
Ensure that the Iraqi people - not some puppet government - shape the nation's future under a government that reflects the nation's diversity.
Help develop a prosperous economy by making clear that Iraq's vast oil reserves will not be exploited by the United States or others.
Unless the United States takes those steps to meet its ongoing responsibilities in Iraq, Senator Edwards cautioned, the victory that our military achieved could be squandered as radical clerics take advantage of a power vacuum in the postwar chaos.
A cosponsor of the resolution that gave President Bush authority to wage war in Iraq, Senator Edwards and others stressed during the run up to the war last fall that the administration needed to focus on what would happen in Iraq after Saddam Hussein was driven from power.
The senator first laid out his four-step proposal for postwar Iraq in a Senate statement on April 10, one day after the fall of Baghdad.
"It is in America's national interest to help build an Iraq at peace with itself and its neighbors because a democratic, tolerant and accountable Iraq will be a peaceful regional partner," Senator Edwards said.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
Senator John Edwards
Senate Statement on Postwar Iraq
May 20, 2003
Over a month ago, our military achieved an impressive victory in Iraq - a victory earned by the brave men and women of our armed forces, and a victory that serves as a testament to the bipartisan commitment to ensuring that our military remains the best in the world. Through these efforts, we removed a brutal regime and helped liberate a people.
This victory also brought an enormous responsibility upon the United States: to help the Iraqi people rebuild their lives in peace and prosperity. Meeting this challenge is a test of our leadership; a test of our commitment and resolve; and a test of our willingness to engage with the rest of the world.
Unfortunately, the Bush administration has put us on a course to fail these tests. Since that statue of Saddam Hussein came crashing down, America's postwar policy has been confused and chaotic. The American-led civil administration is under-staffed, under-equipped and unprepared. Already many of its senior leaders have come and gone. The international community has expressed a willingness to help, but has been kept on the sidelines. Baghdad and other key cities remain unsafe. There has been widespread looting of hospitals, businesses, museums, and homes. Mass gravesites have not been protected. Refugees are fleeing to neighboring countries like Jordan. Radical clerics have begun to fill the power vacuum. Saddam Hussein and many of his senior henchmen are still at large. And, most disturbing, nuclear, chemical and biological facilities have been left unprotected and have been ransacked - not only destroying possible evidence about Saddam's weapons of mass destruction, but presenting a real threat such materials will end up in the hands of terrorists.
Continuing on this path not only hurts the Iraqi people - who have suffered enough and deserve better - but it squanders all that our military achieved in Iraq, threatens our security, and undermines our standing in the world.
I'm concerned that we are about to repeat the same mistakes we have made in Afghanistan, where this administration's efforts to win the peace have been ineffective and weak. The lack of American leadership has left Afghanistan dangerously unstable. We cannot make the same mistake in Iraq.
Last fall, many of us who supported the use of military force in Iraq warned President Bush about this problem. We argued that the United States needed to put the same amount of energy, effort and creativity into planning for what to do after Saddam was gone.
We supported the use of force to ensure that Iraq complied with its commitments to the international community. But we also called on the president to carefully plan for a new Iraq - a prosperous democracy at peace with itself and its neighbors.
The president obviously did not heed our advice. The administration did not make adequate plans for the situation which now threatens the success of our mission in Iraq -- and in some instances, it apparently didn't plan at all. It now tries to explain away its failures as the "untidy" realities of postwar Iraq. Rather than make excuses, the administration must act before it undermines all that we have accomplished.
Because the administration failed to anticipate the consequences of victory, we now face the prospect of an Iraq that descends into chaos. We must take action now to stop this.
Almost six weeks ago, the day after Baghdad fell to U.S. forces, I outlined four clear and simple principles to guide U.S. policy in postwar Iraq.
First, the U.S. must bring other countries into this effort, as well as institutions like the United Nations and NATO. Including others will not just increase the likelihood of success. It will help create a free Iraqi government with legitimacy and authority in the region and the rest of the world. And by sharing the costs of this massive effort, including others will ease the burdens on the American people.
Second, the U.S. must do more to ensure the safety and security of the Iraqi people. It makes no sense that we didn't have enough military forces on the ground to protect critical weapons sites or stop looting from spinning out of control. Clearly, we should have had more forces ready to meet these challenges.
It's good that reinforcements are on the way, but I believe that the best way to deal with this problem now would be to create a multinational peacekeeping force, led by NATO. We all know that many NATO members were deeply divided over the issue of what to do about Iraq. But now that the war is over, I believe that we have an opportunity to reaffirm NATO's importance and relevance - as well as America's commitment to the alliance -- by looking for ways to include NATO in providing security today in Iraq.
Third, we have to do better at ensuring that the Iraqi people, not some puppet government, will shape Iraq's future. So far, our efforts to support an open political process have been unimpressive, raising doubts about our commitment to giving the Iraqi people a voice in the process and a government that reflects their diversity. The administration has not articulated a clear path to help the Iraqi people achieve self-government, preserve basic freedoms, and uphold the rule of law. This process must be seen as legitimate. Therefore we should act now to give the broader international community a role.
Fourth, we have to ensure that the Iraqi people can build a prosperous economy that is theirs alone. Iraq has enormous economic potential, and we have to help the Iraqi people tap into that potential and make clear that the oil is theirs and not for the U.S. or others to exploit. Many of the recent decisions about which companies will help rebuild Iraq have raised doubts around the world about our motives. We need a transparent and open process to guarantee that the awarding of contracts is fair.
While our national interest requires that we make this commitment to help rebuild Iraq, the American people deserve to know how much this is going to cost. This administration has consistently been unclear about the duration and costs of our commitment in a post-Saddam Iraq. We must have a better accounting. How much will it cost the American taxpayer? How much will other countries contribute? What are the signposts for measuring success in a transition to an independent, democratic Iraqi government?
It is in America's national interest to help build an Iraq at peace with itself and its neighbors, because a democratic, tolerant and accountable Iraq will be a peaceful regional partner. A free Iraq could serve as a model for the entire Arab world. And if done right - with humility, patience and cooperation -- this effort to rebuild Iraq will bring the world together and return America to a place where it is respected and admired.