Research the facts of gun control as presented by Congress of Racial Equality in their Emerson case brief:
http://www.potowmack.org/emercore.html"The development of racially based slavery in the seventeenth century American colonies was accompanied by the creation of laws meting out separate treatment and granting separate rights on the basis of race. An early sign of such emerging restrictions and one of the most important legal distinctions was the passing of laws denying free blacks the right to keep arms. "In 1640, the first recorded restrictive legislation passed concerning blacks in Virginia excluded them from owning a gun." Lee B. Kennett and James LaVerne Anderson, The Gun in America: The Origins of a National Dilemma 50 (1975)."
"In the later part of the 17th Century fear of slave uprisings in the South accelerated the passage of laws dealing with firearms possessions by blacks. In 1712, for instance, South Carolina passed “An act for the better ordering and governing of Negroes and Slaves” which included two articles particularly relating to firearms ownership and blacks. 7 Statutes at Large of South Carolina 3 53-54 (D.J. McCord ed. 1836-1873). Virginia passed a similar act entitled “An Act for Preventing Negroes Insurrections.” 2 the Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, From the First Session of the Legislature, in the Year 1619, 481(W.W. Henning ed. 1823).
Thus, in many of the antebellum states, free and/or slave blacks were legally forbidden to possess arms. State legislation which prohibited the bearing of arms by blacks was held to be constitutional due to the lack of citizen status of the AfroAmerican slaves. State v. Newsom, 27 N.C. 250 (1844). Cooper v. Mayor of Savannah, 4 Ga. 68, 72 (1848). Legislators simply ignored the fact that the U.S. Constitution and most state constitutions referred to the right to keep and bear arms as a right of the "people" rather than of the "citizen". Stephen Halbrook, The Jurisprudence of the Second and Fourteenth Amendments, 4 Geo. Mason U. L. Rev. 1, 15 (1981).
Chief Justice Taney argued, in the infamous Dred Scott case, that the Constitution could not have intended that free blacks be citizens:
For if they were so received, and entitled to the privileges and immunities of citizens, it would exempt them from the operations of the special laws and from the police regulations which they
considered to be necessary for their own safety. It would give to persons of the negro race, who were recognized as citizens in any one State of the Union, the right to enter every other State whenever they pleased, ... nd it would give them the full liberty of speech in public and in private upon all subjects upon which its own citizens might speak; to hold public meetings upon political affairs, and to keep and carry arms wherever, they went.
Dred Scott v. Sanford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393, 4 16-17 (1856) (emphasis ‘added). In a later part of the opinion, Justice Taney enumerated the constitutional protections afforded to citizens by the Bill of Rights:
Nor can Congress deny to the people the right to keep and bear arms, nor the right to trial by jury, nor compel any one to be a witness against himself in a criminal proceeding.
Id. at 450. Clearly, the Court viewed the right to keep and bear arms as one of the fundamental individual rights guaranteed to American citizens by the Bill of Rights; which, blacks, who according to the Court were not American citizens, could not enjoy."
Even after the Civil War supposedly settled the matter of whether blacks were citizens of the US and entitled to rights such as owning guns, southern democrats continued to infringe black gun rights:
"After the Civil War, southern legislatures adopted comprehensive regulations, Black Codes, by which the new freedmen were denied many of the rights that white citizens enjoyed. These Black Codes often prohibited the purchase or possession of firearms by freedmen. The Special Report of the AntiSlavery Conference of 1867 noted with particular emphasis that under these Black Codes blacks were "forbidden to own or bear firearms, and thus were rendered defenseless against assaults." Reprinted in H. Hyman, The Radical Republicans and Reconstruction 219 (1967).
Mississippi’s Black Code included the following provision:
Be it enacted ... hat no freedman, free negro or mulatto, not in the military and not licensed so to do by the board of police of his or her county, shall keep or carry firearms of any kind, or any ammunition, ... and all such arms or ammunition shall be forfeited to the informer...
1866 Miss. Laws ch. 23, § 1, 165 (1865)."
On and on. Initially, 'gun control' laws were aimed to exclude blacks from having the means to preserve life, liberty, property. And if the blacks can't have guns, then wouldn't it be great to keep poor people and riffraff and trade union organizers disarmed also by artificially increasing prices through heavy taxation. The shackles forged by racial bigots for blacks eventually fastened upon poor people. Reasonable gun control laws, after all, must not be questioned or debated because they're for our own protection. There is a form of amnesia with respect to repulsive chapters of political history, especially our own. The Democratic party of the mid 1800s would fervently agree with modern Democrat politicians' crusades to disarm urban blacks, but for some reason the moderns can't remember, acknowledge or repudiate such repugnant ancestral policies.