Every violation comes back to their treasonous claim to absolute power

Each and every violation comes back to their treasonous claim to the right to exercise absolute power.

For every abuse, national and international, they have sought cover in their so-called "theory" of urinary⁽¹⁾ authoritarian executive power; the fascist fantasy that as long as they claim they are acting to "defend" us, they can usurp our collective sovereignty, violate our laws, commit international crime in our name, and destroy our institutions to serve themselves.

Every time Bush, Cheney, or their minions invoke urinary authoritarian power as their get out of jail free card, they declare themselves traitors. This high crime subsumes all others. It is all we need to force them from power tomorrow.

Their immoral atrocities -- torture Gulags, terroristic threats of Mushroom Clouds,⁽²⁾ criminal war of aggression, massive program of spying on us without warrant or legitimate authorization, on and on -- are the proofs that they recognize NO limits on their power.

Despots who claim absolute power use it. Impeachment is not just a means to hold them accountable for nuking the constitution with their claim to dictatorial power, it is the ONLY way we can protect ourselves against future atrocities.

We know all we need to know to impeach and remove right now. Comprehensive investigation and congressional hearings on the specific crimes (those that have been exposed and those that as yet remain secret) can follow.

Our Task

Given the gravity and urgency, members of Congress have a sworn duty to do whatever they must to see that Bush and Cheney are forced to resign, or Impeached and removed.

Their duty is self-evident, and yet they fail to act.

Some of them are immobilized by the denial and rationalizations that pervades their insular DC world; some are ignorant of their duty; others are in cahoots with the bushcheney regime. But, whatever may be behind a particular member's failure, it is up to us to challenge them and make their inescapable duty to clear to them.

They are just people. Confronting them and chipping away at their rationalizations does not require great numbers, but it does require us to do more than write letters, call, or march.

To be effective, we must enter their world, seek meetings, engage them (and senior staff) in dialog, challenge their rationalizations, and hold them to their oath.

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(1) The right to piss on the constitution.

(2) They TERRORIZED⁽¹⁾ the American people with the most colossal bomb threat in history (mushroom clouds in 45 minutes). "They terrorized us" is something I'd like to see forced into the echo chamber. Lying is too tepid a label for their acts, "Cherry picking" a mealy-mouthed nothing. They terrorized us. They committed treason.

Cheney is already effectively the president, so both he and boy wonder need to both go at the same time. I could think of a few more to add to the list, but they'll be imprisoned later anyway, if this country stands in integrity once more.

As Bush himself noted about Iraq, and it is as true for us: "As the people stand up, we'll stand down."




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The junta's spurious claims to excessive executive privilege rest on their interpretation of the Constitution and the 911 law. Under our system of government these interpretations are subject to the judgment of the Judiciary.

These claims MUST be taken all the way up to the SC as soon as possible to test their validity. Its a slam dunk case that should finally drive these authoritarians from power.

One must show harm in order to press a law suit. The junta has deprived the Constitutional rights of million of Americans and broken scores of laws and treaties. Can we bring a class action lawsuit that brings all these cases together?

:crazy: Some people just don't get it. We are in deep shit.....

Their claims are so far beyond the pale of accepted Constitutional law that even the four arch-conservatives on the Court would be too embarassed to tie their name to it in the history books. It needs to be soundly rejected so future administrations wouldn't dare to even attempt to forward such an unlawful excuse for their crimes, with or without control of both Houses. Impeachment may remove the criminals, but it will leave the legitimacy of Unitary Executive Theory hanging in the wind.

As Al Gore said:
'In our system, there's no intermediate step between a definitive Supreme Court decision and violent revolution.'

The "tanks in the streets" threat was just one of the myriad bits of propaganda floating around during the Florida recount. Sounds like Gore bought it.

All he had to do was

• Stand up and say NO to the criminal Bush v. Gore edict.


• Tell the American people the truth; that the Supreme Court was usurping the right of the people of the State of Florida to determine the outcome of their election, and usurping the Constitutional role of Congress to settle challenges to electoral votes.


• Describe the REAL Constitutional process -- that now, Florida had choices to make:
  
  
  1. Continue the recount and send electoral votes to Congress based on the results of that recount -- even if that meant conveying them after the so-called "Deadline";
  
  
  2. Send two slates of electoral votes;
  
  
  3. Send electoral votes based on the incomplete election.
  
  In any case, as designated in the Constitution, Congress would be the final arbiter -- they could accept "late" electoral votes based on a completed election; they could reject the electoral votes based on the incomplete election, whatever.
  

The REAL Constitutional process is a LONG LONG way from revolution. The Criminal Bush v. Gore edict and illegitimate administration it put into power put our Constitution -- our common contract among ourselves -- into breach.

And even if it had meant revolution, a revolution - an act of the many -- would have been preferable to the overthrow of our government by the few.

"Fiat justitia, ruat coelum"

"Let justice be done, though the heavens fall"

In that same interview, Gore intimated that a time may come when he would speak the truth.

When you know that our most fundamental principle -- the principle of consent; the SOLE moral principle on which our Constitution is founded -- has been violated, you speak out. You don't wait to "frame it." You don't wait until it is safe to speak.

If he remains silent because he doesn't think the public is ready, he is just rationalizing his fear of speaking out. How is the public supposed to become "ready" when those who see the crimes against democracy stay silent (and in their silence, become complicit with those crimes)?

Certainly, the people can, and should, seek redress in Court, but nothing that happens in Court can trump Impeachment. And Congress is duty-bound to act NOW, whether or not individual citizens, or the state officials who represent them, take the administration to Court.

The power to Impeach is vested in solely Congress (just as the duty and power to judge the electors on January 6th is vested in Congress and Congress alone). It is their job, and their job alone to pass judgment when the actions of officials in the executive or the judiciary subvert the Constitution.

Had we intended for the judiciary to be the ultimate judge, we would have given the judiciary, not the Congress, the power to Impeach.

When the danger to the Constitution is clear and present, Congress is sworn to act to "support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic" -- and act immediately.

Congress is duty-bound to pass judgment on the actions of elected officials in the executive and the judiciary, they are duty-bound to pass judgment on electors on January 6th.

They were derilect in their duty on 1/6/2001 and 1/6/2005. To date, they have been derilect in their duty to demand Impeahment, but we can, and must, change that. (see "Our Task" in this post)

Each member of Congress must make an independent judgment. They cannot escape their duty by deferring to, or waiting for action by, any other authority. In their service as the voice of the people, they may consult others, but ultimately, each member must make a personal, MORAL judgment based on their understanding of the INTENT of the law.

As you point out, it is a slam dunk. No sane or legitimate constitutional scholar buys the fascist fantasy that officials in the executive branch can legitimately rationalize unconstitutional and criminal acts as "necessary for the defense of the nation," but even if that were not the case, and their fantasies were arguable, members of Congress who recognize their actions as a treasonous attempt to usurp our collective sovereignty are sworn to stand up, call for members of the House to initiate Impeachment proceedings, and demand that their colleagues examine the actions and claims and pass judgment.

------------ A couple notes about our federal design ------------

Contrary to what the fascists would have us believe, the three branches of Government DO NOT share power equally.

When we established our Constitution we vested more power in Congress than the Judiciary or the Executive. As OUR VOICE the balance necessarily favors Congress.

How do we know we gave Congress more power? Simple; we charge Congress with supporting and defending the Constitution and gave them the Power carry out that duty by giving them the power to Impeach high officials in the Executive and Judiciary. (the President and the Judiciary can't remove members of Congress, but members of Congress can expel a fellow member.)

Of course, it is possible for the laws we pass to address specific problems to conflict with each other or with the tenets of our Constitution. We give our courts the task of ensuring that that laws WE enact are consistent with the guiding principles WE establish. As we strive for a more perfect union, we look to the courts to ensure that our laws are the most accurate reflection of our will that can be achieved in an imperfect world.

We gave the power to resolve those conflicts to the Judiciary, but that power can never TRUMP Congressional action. The courts have no power to overturn an Impeachment or to force Congress to count electors that have been rejected.