Really? I thought the word "states" would imply it was like the US.People in the US are often confused about the meaning of "state".
Sometimes the word "state" is used to refer to a division of a larger state. Australia is a state. It also has states. The US itself is a state, in international law, and is composed of states. Canada is a state, and has provinces, and also more than one people within its borders. (So does the US, in that the indigenous peoples are peoples, it just doesn't acknowledge them as such, at least to the same extent.)
There are many models of federal systems. The US is one. Belgium is another. Iraq's would have its own characteristics.
The competing interests are always the right to self-determination of peoples and the need for stable and secure states. Fracturing the global map into states (in the international law sense: sovereign political entities) based on peoples would be impossible, not just loony; because there are so many cohabiting peoples, it couldn't be done without huge population transfers, or national minorities being created in just about every new state, thus defeating the point of the exercise.
Federal states based on separate "administrative units" where there are strong geographic associations between peoples and territories, or based on complex jurisdictional arrangements within a single territory where cohabiting peoples are not geographically separate, can be stable, but can also be unstable. They can also be secure, or insecure.
Internally, stability often depends on the internal willingness to accommodate, where there are historically disadvantaged national minorities and longstanding resentments especially. Externally, much may depend on what interest other states have in ensuring that a secure state continues to exist.
The interests of any state that might threaten that security would also be a question. Does Turkey have an interest in not attempting to annex or otherwise threaten the sovereignty of a Kurdish section of Iraq? One would think so, in view of its efforts to gain recognition as a partner on the world scene. How much provocation should or would it be expected to tolerate? What interest would Kurds in Iraq have in not provoking it, and what interest could they be persuaded to see in that? How much would the international community tolerate in terms of actions by either side that could destabilize Iraq, or threaten Turkey's security, before either throwing up their hands or intervening?
Obviously, all the aid that can be offered should be offered -- not just money and physical infrastructure assistance, but governmental infrastructure assistance. This is what Canada does a lot, and does well. We focus on the rule of law: training lawyers and judges, supporting groups in civil society to increase public participation in public decision-making, thus combating corruption, the bane of many emerging states and often the biggest threat to stability.
Here's an example in the Balkans:
http://www.wusc.ca/en/overseas/me_europe/balkans_civildeploy(World University Services Canada -- we tend to operate small projects, using international development organizations here and partnering with NGOs in the countries where the project is delivered, under the umbrella of the Canadian International Development Agency, roughly equivalent to USAid, in Canada, and the government of the country where the project is delivered.)
The CCDP achieves results by identifying qualified, experienced Canadian civilians whose skills, work ethic and passion equip them to contribute to their partner agencies' goals. These Canadians are appreciated by their colleagues in the Balkans for their professionalism, hard work, non-judgmental attitude, mentorship, and understanding of how multiculturalism can work successfully.
Two Canadians currently making a difference through the CCDP are:
* Mike Perisic, an IT expert from Ottawa, who is currently advising BiH's Judiciary Information and Communications Technology Project. This project aims to computerize and link all aspects of the country's judicial system.
* Jade Duchesneau-Bernier, from Moncton, just completed an assignment as a Democratization Officer in Kosovo. She worked with Bridges of Friendship, a project that was created to encourage more citizen participation in government decision-making processes.
Recently, the project's flexible and innovative nature has attracted the interest of CIDA's Iraq Task Force. Although WUSC will not send Canadian civilians into Iraq under current conditions, we have recruited experts in public policy reform and accountability for assignments with the Jordan-based United Nations Development Program Iraq. They are contributing to efforts to help Iraq rebuild its government structures and processes.
That's the kind of assistance Iraq will need internally. Externally -- a whole lot of international pressure on both parties to any potential Kurdish-Turkish conflict is what will likely be needed. There just is no easy solution when recognized international boundaries divide an historic people who then become a national minority on both sides of the line, usually an oppressed minority. Maybe Turkey can be urged to consider some sort of federal arrangement with its Kurdish minority ... which could increase its security, but possibly decrease its stability ...
Who do you think I am, anyhow, Joe Biden?!
;)