A fact curiously missing from American history and any mention of the Warren Commission

The NAZI Hydra in America

by Glenn Yeadon

A Pledge Betrayed: John McCloy

Before looking further at the evolution of the Control Council, a closer look at General William Draper’s career is needed. As previously mention Draper, while employed at Dillon and Reed was in charge of the Thyssen account. He worked closely with the man in charge of this account with Brown Brothers and Harriamn, Prescott Bush. Draper had a very dark side that extended to the present day. Draper advocated eugenics. The reader should not confuse General William Draper with Wickliffe Draper, the founder of the Pioneer Fund, although they were related. In 1932, William Draper financed the International Eugenics Congress. Doubts remain if Draper was using his own money or money from the Thyssen account or other corporate accounts. Draper helped select Ernst Ruaudin as chief of the world eugenics movement, who used his office to promote what he called Adolf Hitler's holy, national and international racial hygienic mission.

SNIP...

In 1949, John McCloy was appointed High Commissioner of Germany. McCloy was not the first choice. Lewis Douglas, the head of the Finance Division of the Control Council was. However, Douglas agreed to step aside in favor of McCloy. It appears nothing was being left to chance in post war Germany. The governing of post war Germany would be a family affair. The three most powerful men in post war Germany: High Commissioner McCloy, Douglas, Head of the Finance Division of the Control Council and Chancellor Konrad Adenauer were all brother-in laws. All three men had married daughters of the wealthy Fredrick Zinsser, a partner of JP Morgan. The Morgan empire would control the fate of Germany.

What little justice achieved under the Control Council and General Clay would now be rapidly undone. Up until 1940 McCloy had been a member of the law firm Cravath, de Gersdorff, Swaine and Wood. This law firm represented I.G. Farben and its affiliates. In 1940, McCloy was appointed Assistant Secretary of War. At least three other individuals from the same law firm turned up in the War Department. Alfred McCormick and Howard Peterson both served as assistants to the Secretary. Richard Wilmer was commissioned as a colonel after the war started and served in a similar vein.61 Peterson later served as the finance chairman of the National Committee Eisenhower for President, 1951-1953.

The career of McCloy is one sympathetic to fascism and warrants a closer look. Henry Stimson appointed McCloy as assistant secretary of war. Roosevelt had selected Stimson to head up the War Department in 1940 in an attempt to make the war effort a bipartisan effort and to blunt any criticism of the upcoming war by the Republicans. One of the first acts of Stimson upon taking over the War Department was to appoint McCloy as Special consultant to the War Department on German sabotage. Before 1940 ended McCloy was appointed as assistant secretary. As Secretary of State under Hoover, Stimson would surely have been aware of the cartels of I.G Farben and how the Hoover administration aided their formation. McCloy spent most of the 1930s in Paris working on a sabotage case stemming from WWI. In 1936, he shared a box with Hitler at the Olympics.

In one of his first acts as assistant secretary of war, McCloy helped plan the interment of Japanese Americans. Once the war began, McCloy followed the American troops across North Africa. Such travel by an assistant cabinet secretary was highly unusual. However, McCloy’s actions at the time partially revealed his motivation. While in North Africa, McCloy help forge an alliance with the Vichy France and Admiral Darlan.

McCloy continued to follow the advancing allied troops across Europe and into Germany. In the closing days of the war in Europe McCloy made one of his most noted decisions. After sixteen planes bombed, Rothenburg on March 31 McCloy ordered a stop to any further bombing of the city. According to McCloy, his reason was to preserve the historical medieval walled city. Additionally, McCloy ordered Major-General Jacob L. Devers that he could not use artillery in taking Rothenburg. The city would have to be liberated by infantry alone regardless of the cost in lives of GIs.

However, there are a few facts that McCloy and others since have conveniently left out. For instance, just two days before the bombing a German general with his division of troops left battered Nurnburg for Rothenburg. Together with the Nazi forces already stationed there, the general gave the order to defend the city to the last man. Also located in Rothenburg was Fa Mansfeld AG, a munitions maker that employed slave labor from Buchenwald.

By late 1943, the slaughter of Jews was reaching a feverish pace. The allies were then in a position to bomb the concentration camps to stop the slaughter. John McCloy was almost solely responsible for blocking the bombing of the death camps. Allied planes were already bombing the industrial plants associated with Auschwitz. However, McCoy in written memos advanced a bankers' argument that the cost would be prohibitive. Such missions would risk men and planes with little reduction in the Nazis war effort. McCloy even banned the bombing of the rail lines leading to the death camps.

In the late spring of 1944, Morgenthau was pressing the War Refuge Board to find an unused army base or some other haven to serve as temporary homes for a small group of refugees from Italy. Most of the refugees were Jewish. The question was put to McCloy, who responded brusquely that it wasn’t the Army’s business to take care of refugees. Morgenthau was outraged at McCloy’s response and presented it at a cabinet meeting with Roosevelt in attendance. Roosevelt stated that under no circumstances should those people be turned away. Stimpson dictated a memo after the cabinet meeting that someone had accused McCloy of being an oppressor of Jews. McCloy confronted Morgenthau on the charge. Morgenthau didn’t confess the remark directly but happily exploited McCloy’s discomfort. McCloy soon responded to Morgenthau that Fort Ontario in Oswego, New York could accept 1800 refugees.141

The average American at the time would probably have granted the Jews sanctuary in the Untied States if he was aware of the truth. The fact is evidence of the Holocaust was kept from the average citizen and even from Roosevelt himself. The State Department would often wait for months before forwarding memos of evidence of the slaughter on to Roosevelt. By the time, Roosevelt read the memos it was too late to act on the intelligence in the memo. The prominent newspapers of the times either did not print a single line about the Holocaust or at best relegated a few lines to the back pages. In 1943, an eyewitness described Auschwitz to Supreme Court justice Felix Frankfurter. Frankfurter was Jewish but refused to believe the report.

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http://www.spiritone.com/~gdy52150/betraylp9.htm

The Kennedy Assassination Cover-Up

Donald Gibson

EXCERPT…

The McCloy-Dulles Commission
The Real Pecking Order

EXCERPT… pp. 91

Warren stated that his choice for general counsel was Warren Olney, Director of the Administrative office of the Federal Court System. Warren went on to make a lengthy and strong argument in on behalf of Olney. Warren's case for Olney included Warren's long-term relationship with an in-depth knowledge about Olney, Olney's family background, Olney's diverse and extensive legal experience, his military service, his familiarity with FBI and Secret Service operations, and Warren's high praise for Olney's ability and integrity. This was not a casual recommendation; Warren clearly wanted Olney. Senator Russell was agreeable and Boggs, who knew and respected Olney, immediately expressed definite support.

Gerald Ford was the first to state an objection, saying:

I look upon this group just as Mr. McCloy does, with a very major responsibility, and I want it to have the finest aura or atmosphere. And when the report is written I certainly hope it can be unanimous, it can be the full judgment of all of us. I don't want the Commission to be divided. I don't want it to be your Commission or the Commission of half of us or otherwise.

Ford did not explain why he was concerned about the danger of a divided Commission. He mentioned consensus and a fine aura but not the discovery of the truth. He went on to emphasize that if someone, like Olney, with a long association with Warren were appointed, it would lead people to view the work of the Commission and its report as Warren's rather than the group's.

Ford framed his objection in the context of concerns he shared with McCloy. McCloy immediately added his objection to Ford's, arguing that the Commission should give consideration to a number of people. McCloy had his own list of candidates, which he said were people "of my experience." Warren quickly asserted that he had proposed Olney because Olney was someone of his own experience. Warren was ignored by McCloy. Among the names on McCloy's list were Leon Jaworski and Tom Dewey.

The discussion continued with Boggs supporting Warren. Cooper offered a compromise that was first supported by and then modified by Boggs. The compromise was to pick a different chief counsel, but allow Warren to bring Olney in as a chief of staff. Russell later gave some support to Warren by suggesting that Olney could be brought in immediately as an "Executive Officer." After this, Warren again spoke for Olney and Russell again supported him.

Russell then introduced the idea of appointing a subcommittee to consider the selection of a chief counsel. Ford supported this proposal and, before the session ended, a subcommittee of Warren, Dulles, McCloy, and Ford was given the job of coming up with a recommendation. Warren made and additional strong plea for Olney.

The men who later expressed some misgivings about the Commission's report, Russell, Boggs, and Cooper, all gave some support to Warren. McCloy and Ford, who had expressed his concern with reference to views shared with McCloy, opposed Olney. Interestingly, and perhaps significantly, McCloy and Ford were not the first people to express an opposition to the Chief Justice's choice. Two days earlier, on December 3, Alan Belmont, the man running the FBI's investigation, raised this issue at the end of a memo to Clyde Tolson, assistant to J. Edgar hoover. Belmont's memo stated that

Katzenbach said that he had been talking to Chief Justice Warren, and Warren had indicated to him taht the chief counsel for the President's Commission will be Warren Olney. Katzenbach thought that this would be most undesirable. Katzenbach said that, as we probably knew, Chief Justice Warren thinks that Olney can do no wrong, and he (the Chief Justice) had made the point that Olney is conversant with the FBI's procedures and thus would be operating in a familiar field. Katzenbach said if we have any ideas as to how Olney can (be) blocked as chief counsel, he would like to have them. I told him, as far as I was concerned, Olney was an undesirable choice, and if we had any thoughts we would get them to him.

Here we have one of the participants in the first stage of a cover-up, Alan Belmont, rying to figure out a way to influence an important decision in a later stage. Whether Katzenbach was expressing his own views or, as in other instances, the views of others cannot be determined. It is possible that one of these two, or someone associated with one of them, communicated directly o indirectly with McCloy or Ford, or both. That might explain the manner in which objections to Olney were first expressed, i.e., Ford referencing McCloy and McCloy immediately joining with Ford in opposition to Olney. That suggests that Belmont shared his info with McCloy, allowing McCloy to prepare his case against Olney.

CONTINUED…

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