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On January 15, 2003, Mikael was there on the tarmac as some of the most powerful men on Capitol Hill stepped down from Stanford’s luxury jets into the Antiguan sun. There was representative Robert Ney (R-Ohio), who later became notorious for his dealings with Jack Abramoff and was convicted of conspiracy and making false statements (and who in 2005 entered lavish praise of Allen Stanford in the Congressional Record). Pete Sessions (R-Texas), a key leader in GOP financial-services regulation, was also there, as were Philip Crane (R-Illinois) of the powerful Ways and Means Committee, Donald Payne (D-New Jersey) of the International Relations Committee, and Max Sandlin (D-Texas) and Gregory Meeks (D-New York), both of whom sat on the Financial Services Committee.
The men had ostensibly come to Antigua for a conference sponsored by the Inter-American Economic Council, but whether they were aware of it or not, they were also there to make clear to all of Antigua that Stanford had the blessing of the U.S. government. As James Fuller, then adviser to the prime minister, told me, “They acted like they worked for Stanford. The American politicians put the stamp of approval on him.” Stanford often bragged of his political ties, Fuller said. “Everyone here in Antigua, including me, got the idea that he had had the approval of the very top levels of the American government.”
During my conversation with him, Stanford did indeed seem proud of his political connections. He described being among a group of one hundred businessmen who spent a weekend with President George Bush in Crawford, “talking about what’s wrong with the country and the world—just kind of a think tank. I’ve got photos of me and the president,” he said, though he then added, in a tone that almost made you feel sorry for him, “Big deal.” (A spokesman for President Bush told me, “The president had no relationship with Allen Stanford.”)