Will Pitt recently pointed out the obvious fact that diverting funds from our defense budget to more productive activities could solve a great many of our problems as a nation. In a post titled “
A Simple Way to End This Recession… Forever”, he wrote:
Just dumping the Osprey program would have given us enough money to pay for the disasters in Tennessee and the Gulf, with a whole lot left over to help those affected by the recession and the Wall Street thievery. Shaving the tiniest percent off the 2010 "defense" budget would feed, clothe and educate every person of woman born in the United States, and we'd still have the most awesomely formidable military arsenal in the history of the galaxy.
But we don't talk about that stuff. We close libraries, cut education budgets, tax everything, and borrow from our children's future instead of tapping into the awesome reservoir of taxpayer cash shoveled into the Pentagon each and every year.
According to
one estimate, in 2008 the United States spent $586 billion on military expenditures. That was more than the combined military expenditures of the 14 nations with the next highest amount of military expenditures, and constituted more than 40% of total military expenditures in the world in 2008. Another estimate, which was more thorough in its calculations, put the
estimate much higher: $1.45 trillion in 2009, coming to 54% of total outlays of U.S. federal funds in that year.
By one estimate, the United States has been involved in
145 military actions from 1890 through 2009 – many of them lasting for many years. A great many of these interventions were
unnecessary, illegal, immoral, and resulted in a vast amount of loss of innocent life. We currently operate
more than 700 military bases scattered throughout the world. Our excessive focus on military might serves as a barrier to working with other nations to solve grave international problems, such as the progressive warming of our planet.
This should make us wonder why we spend such an obscene amount of money on the military, to the detriment of so many pressing needs.
WARNINGS AND CONFESSIONS OF WAR PROFITEERING There have been and continue to be some very powerful people in our country who reap immense profits from war and military expenditures and therefore aggressively seek to perpetuate them. A tiny minority of very well known national figures who have seen this phenomenon from the inside have tried to warn us of this danger:
Smedley Butler In 1935, Major General Smedley Butler, the most decorated marine in U.S. history,
warned the American people of the dangers of war profiteering, while acknowledging his role in it:
I spent thirty-three years and four months in active service… and during that period I spent most of my time being a high-class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street and the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism.
I suspected I was just part of a racket at the time. Now I am sure of it. Like all members of the military profession… my mental faculties remained in suspended animation while I obeyed the orders of the higher-ups…
I helped in the raping of half-a-dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street. The record of racketeering is long. (gives a list of examples in which he participated)…During those years, I was rewarded with honors, medals, and promotion…
President EisenhowerPresident Eisenhower gave us a less radical warning on a similar subject in his
farewell address of January 1961. Unlike Butler, he did not imply that war profiteering had historically been an issue in our country. Nor did he imply that our military was currently too big. Nor did he acknowledge any culpability – for giving the green light for the overthrows of the democratically elected governments of
Iran in 1953 or
Guatemala in 1954. Rather, he simply warned us that, due to the rapidly increasing size and reach of our vast military apparatus, there may come a time in the not too distant future when it presents a serious problem for us. Still, it was a very radical speech for a U.S. President:
We have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions… We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations. This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience…
We must not fail to comprehend its grave implications… In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
John Perkins John Perkins wrote two books, “
Confessions of an Economic Hit Man” and “
The Secret History of the American Empire”, in which he exposed American and corporate corruption from an insider’s viewpoint, admitting his own role in the process. He explains his basic role like this:
We build a global empire. We are an elite group of men and women who utilize international financial organizations to foment conditions that make other nations subservient to the corporatocracy running our biggest corporations, our government, and our banks. Like our counterparts in the Mafia, Economic Hit Men (EHM) provide favors...
JOHN F. KENNEDY’S QUEST FOR PEACE The Military Industrial Complex (MIC) that Eisenhower warned us against was in full power at the time of his farewell address. Probably no president in U.S. history came under such intense pressure for war and resisted that pressure so valiantly as Eisenhower’s successor, John F. Kennedy.
President Kennedy’s repeated refusals to be drawn into war and conquestFour times during JFK’s presidency he successfully resisted intense pressure from the MIC to go to war with Cuba: Following the April 15-19, 1961,
CIA-sponsored invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs by a Cuban Expeditionary Force, Kennedy’s military and CIA attempted to pressure him into committing to a full-scale invasion, in order to avoid the imminent defeat of the Cuban Expeditionary Force. Kennedy refused. On March 16, 1962, Kennedy’s Joint Chiefs of Staff presented him with a plan called “
Operation Northwoods”, a false flag terrorist operation meant to dare our country into war against Cuba. Kennedy refused again. In his handling of the
Cuban Missile crisis, Kennedy repeatedly resisted advice from his military advisors to escalate the situation by invading Cuba. Instead, he resolved the crisis peacefully. And in April 1963 Kennedy
undertook vigorous military action against the CIA-sponsored Cuban exile group
Alpha 66 in order to put a halt to their continuing attacks against Cuban interests, which were meant to draw the United States into war against Cuba.
Against adamant advice from outgoing President Eisenhower and his own military to intervene militarily against Communist forces in Laos, Kennedy instead negotiated a coalition Communist and non-Communist government in Laos, sealed on July 23, 1962, with a “
Declaration on the Neutrality of Laos”, signed by Kennedy and the representatives of thirteen other nations.
Again against the advice of his military, Kennedy aspired to an independent Congo. James Douglass explains Kennedy’s intentions and the friction that caused with his military and CIA, in his book, “
JFK and the Unspeakable – Why he Died and Why it Matters”:
Kennedy and (Edmund) Gullion
promoted (UN Secretary-General) Hammarskjold’s vision of a united, independent Congo, to the dismay of multinational corporations working ceaselessly to carve up the country and control its rich resources. After Kennedy’s death, the corporations would succeed in controlling the Congo with the complicity of local kingpins. While JFK was alive, a Kennedy-Hammarskjold-UN vision kept the Congo together and independent.
Kennedy’s unprecedented speech on the need for and barriers to peaceAccording to James Carroll in “
House of War – The Pentagon and the Disastrous Rise of American Power”, President Kennedy’s
peace speech at American University on June 10th 1963 was unprecedented in its emphasis on peace by a major U.S. political figure since the onset of the Cold War. Few people knew about the speech before he gave it, and he didn’t discuss it at all with his military because he knew that they would lobby against it. It is inconceivable that this speech was intended to win votes. To the contrary, it posed grave political risks.
On the need for peaceKennedy began his peace speech:
… I have, therefore, chose this time and this place to discuss a topic on which ignorance too often abounds and the truth is too rarely perceived – yet it is the most important topic on earth: world peace.
What kind of peace do I mean? What kind of peace do we seek? Not a Pax Americana enforced on the world by American weapons of war… I am talking about genuine peace – the kind of peace that makes life on earth worth living – the kind that enables man and nations to grow and to hope and to build a better life for their children – not merely peace for Americans but peace for all men and women – not merely peace in our time but peace for all time.
He talked about how the presence of nuclear weapons meant that that we MUST make peace a priority:
I speak of peace because of the new face of war. Total war makes no sense in an age when great powers can maintain large and relatively invulnerable nuclear forces and refuse to surrender without resort to those forces. It makes no sense in an age when a single nuclear weapon contains almost ten times the explosive force delivered by all of the allied air forces in the Second World War. It makes no sense in an age when the deadly poisons produced by a nuclear exchange would be carried by the wind and water and soil and seed to the far corners of the globe and to generations unborn.
Excessive nationalism and self-righteousness Though Kennedy’s peace speech did not
specifically and directly speak of barriers to peace, those barriers were implicit in the many solutions that he discussed.
The opposite of excessive nationalism and self-righteousness is humility – national as well as individual. Humility enables us to critically examine our own behaviors and attitudes towards things, rather than hold to the certainty that everything we do is good and right simply because we are who we are.
In marked contrast to the prevailing tough anti-Communist rhetoric of the day, Kennedy spoke in his peace speech of the need for Americans to examine
their own attitudes:
Some say that it is useless to speak of world peace or world law or world disarmament – and that it will be useless until the leaders of the Soviet Union adopt a more enlightened attitude. I hope they do. I believe we can help them do it. But I also believe that we must re-examine our own attitude – as individuals and as a Nation – for our attitude is as essential as theirs. And every graduate of this school, every thoughtful citizen who despairs of war and wishes to bring peace, should begin by looking inward – by examining his own attitude toward the possibilities of peace, toward the Soviet Union, toward the course of the Cold War and toward freedom and peace here at home.
First let us examine our attitude toward peace itself. Too many of us think it is impossible. Too many of us think it is unreal. But that is dangerous, defeatist belief. It leads to the conclusion that war is inevitable – that mankind is doomed – that we are gripped by forces we cannot control…
He even sought to humanize, rather than demonize, our adversary:
Let us re-examine our attitude toward the Soviet Union… It is discouraging to think that their leaders may actually believe what their propagandists write… Yet it is sad to read these Soviet statements – to realize the extent of the gulf between us. But it is also a warning – a warning to the American people not to fall into the same trap as the Soviets, not to see only a distorted and desperate view of the other side, not to see conflict as inevitable, accommodations as impossible and communication as nothing more than an exchange of threats.
No government or social system is so evil that its people must be considered as lacking in virtue. As Americans, we find communism profoundly repugnant as a negation of personal freedom and dignity. But we can still hail the Russian people for their many achievements – in science and space, in economic and industrial growth, in culture and in acts of courage.
Among the many traits the peoples of our two countries have in common, none is stronger than our mutual abhorrence of war… And no nation in the history of battle ever suffered more than the Soviet Union suffered in the course of the Second World War. At least 20 million lost their lives. Countless millions of homes and farms were burned or sacked. A third of the nation's territory, including nearly two thirds of its industrial base, was turned into a wasteland…
We are both devoting massive sums of money to weapons that could be better devoted to combating ignorance, poverty and disease. We are both caught up in a vicious and dangerous cycle in which suspicion on one side breeds suspicion on the other, and new weapons beget counter-weapons…
So, let us not be blind to our differences – but let us also direct attention to our common interests and to means by which those differences can be resolved. And if we cannot end now our differences, at least we can help make the world safe for diversity. For, in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children's future. And we are all mortal…
The need for international collaboration and agreementsThose who profit from war understand very well that one of the biggest threats to continuing war and militarism is international institutions such as the
United Nations and
International Criminal Court, whose major purpose is to maintain international peace. For that reason they have continually sought to
demonize international organizations devoted to world peace by propagandizing us to believe that the United States is so superior to the other nations of the world that collaborating with them is unnecessary and even unpatriotic.
Kennedy on the other hand spoke of the need for international cooperation and institutions:
Meanwhile, we seek to strengthen the United Nations, to help solve its financial problems, to make it a more effective instrument of peace, to develop it into a genuine world security system – a system capable of resolving disputes on the basis of law, of insuring the security of the large and the small, and of creating conditions under which arms can finally be abolished.
There can be no doubt that if all nations could refrain from interfering in the self-determination of others, then peace would be much more assured. This will require a new effort to achieve world law – a new context for world discussions. It will require increased understanding between the Soviets and ourselves. And increased understanding will require increased contact and communications….
He noted that a change in institutional arrangements would be needed to ensure a lasting peace:
Let us focus instead on a more practical, more attainable peace – based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions – on a series of concrete actions and effective agreements which are in the interest of all concerned.
There is no single, simple key to this peace – no grand or magic formula to be adopted by one or two powers. Genuine peace must be the product of many nations, the sum of many acts. It must be dynamic, not static, changing to meet the challenge of each new generation. For peace is a process – a way of solving problems.
The need to stand up to the “Powers That Be” by taking direct actionsAll of our presidents have claimed to favor peace over war. And many actual
have favored peace over war. But favoring peace over war is not enough. Concrete steps need to be taken – steps that the MIC will fight tooth and nail.
Towards the end of his speech, Kennedy got to the practical matters – the topics that the hawks and arms merchants so hated – detailing numerous concrete steps that he intended to take to put his peace plans into action:
We have also been talking in Geneva about other first-step measures of arms control, designed to limit the intensity of the arms race and to reduce the risks of accidental war. Our primary long-range interest in Geneva, however, is general and complete disarmament – designed to take place by stages, permitting parallel political developments to build the new institutions of peace which would take the place of arms….
The one major area of these negotiations where the end is in sight – yet where a fresh start is badly needed – is in a treaty to outlaw nuclear tests. The conclusion of such a treaty – so near and yet so far – would check the spiraling arms race in one of its most dangerous areas. It would place the nuclear powers in a position to deal more effectively with one of the greatest hazards which man faces in 1963, the further spread of nuclear arms. It would increase our security – it would decrease the prospects of war…. I am taking this opportunity, therefore, to announce two important decisions in this regard….
Kennedy’s continuing quest for peace following his peace speechSoviet Premier Khrushchev declared Kennedy’s speech the greatest of any American President since Roosevelt. And for the first time he allowed an American Presidential speech to be rebroadcast in the Soviet Union.
Six weeks later, Kennedy announced to the American people the
first nuclear test ban treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union. Following his peace speech he undertook
secret negotiations with Fidel Castro in an attempt to come to an accommodation with him. And, he began talking with his close associates about
pulling out of Vietnam.
Several reliable sources explained that Kennedy’s intentions to withdraw from Vietnam were firm and would have been carried out had he lived much longer.
THE AFTERMATH OF JFK’s QUEST FOR PEACEFour months following his peace speech JFK was shot dead by an assassin. The next day, JFK’s successor, Lyndon Johnson, vowed that he would not “lose” Vietnam. U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War dragged on for nine additional years,
officially ending in January 1973. The
South Vietnamese government surrendered in April 1975, as Vietnam was united under Communist rule. No U.S. president subsequently challenged the MIC to the extent that Kennedy did.
Could the circumstances of JFK’s death have created a chilling effect on future U.S. presidents with otherwise independent or liberal tendencies? Could these considerations help to explain President Obama’s continuation and escalation of our war in Afghanistan? My tendency is to answer yes to both questions, though I have no way of knowing for sure.
It seems to me that even when U.S. Presidents advocate
against war, their rhetoric tends to be bellicose and does not really suggest a desire for peace in the way that JFK expressed it. I believe that Barack
Obama’s speech announcing his opposition to the looming Iraq War makes this point. Four times in that speech Obama felt compelled to qualify his opposition to the Iraq War by announcing that he was not opposed to
all war. And three times he further qualified that statement by further pointing out that what he is opposed to is
dumb wars.
Well, I’m not opposed to all wars either. It is a rare person indeed who believes that
no circumstance justifies meeting force with force. But the Iraq War was not a
dumb war. It accomplished much of what George W. Bush and his handlers wanted to accomplish, in that
it tremendously enriched several corporate allies of the Bush administration.
Those who hold in their hands the power to seek peace or war should be against much more than merely
dumb wars. If our world is ever going to see a continuing peace, its leaders and inhabitants will have to be against
immoral wars as well. That is, they will have to stand adamantly against war undertaken for the enrichment of the few at the great expense and destruction of the many. That is the purpose for which
President Roosevelt conceived and
President Truman helped bring to fruition the United Nations. The United Nations, which establishes international law, makes
all aggressive wars illegal, not merely dumb wars. If the United States is going to be a strong force for peace in the world it needs to adhere to that doctrine – which means that it will have to aggressively challenge those powerful militant interests that profit from and seek to militarize our country and drag us into war.