Wouldn’t you think that a nation governed by democratic principles should be able to elect a national legislature that receives the approval of at least half of its population? Well, not in the United States. When a so-called “democracy” repeatedly fails to elect high government officials whose job performance receives the approval of half the population that voted those officials into office, the citizens of that “democracy” ought to seriously consider the reasons for that failure.
CONGRESSIONAL JOB APPROVAL IN THE UNITED STATES SINCE 1974 Here is a
graph of Congressional job approval in the United States since 1974:
In the 23 year period between 1974 and the beginning of 1998, Congressional job approval consistently varied between slightly below 20% and slightly above 40%. From the beginning of 1998 to September 2001 it did considerably better, varying between about 40% and 60%, coincident with the
economic bubble of the latter Clinton years. It then shot up to over 80% coincident with the September 11 attacks of 2001, as usually happens when a nation perceives itself to be in danger. But that didn’t last very long at all, as it dipped back below 50% by mid-2002, shot back up to 60% with the onset of the Iraq War in the spring of 2003, and then dipped back below 40% by the beginning of 2005, where it has remained ever since. The latter Bush II years were characterized by Congressional approval ratings in the low 20s and even into the teens. At the onset of 2007 and again in 2009 Congressional approval briefly shot back up to about 40%, following the election of the first Democratic Congress in 12 years and the first simultaneous election of a Democratic Congress and President in 14 years, respectively. But the hopeful expectations generated by the national elections of 2006 and 2008 were quickly dashed, and were followed by the dipping of Congressional approval back into the low twenty’s and below.
THE ROLE OF MONEY IN U.S. ELECTIONS
Money bundlingWe did have enough honest Congresspersons in the early 21st Century that, in combination with overwhelming public support, Congress managed to enact the
Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (better known as the McCain-Feingold Act). That legislation among other things established inflation-adjusted
individual contribution limits for political campaigns. (In 2009-2010, those limits were $2,400 per individual per election.) The purpose of these limits is obvious. If there are no caps on campaign contributions by individuals or corporations, then they can contribute hundreds of thousands or even millions of dollars to a political candidate, with the implicit understanding that the candidate will return the favor.
But money bundling is routinely used to get around those limits. “
Money bundling” is the process whereby a single person, typically the CEO, owner, or other high level personage of a powerful corporation, collects money from hundreds of individuals and hands it over to a political candidate as a “campaign contribution”. The political candidate doesn’t much care about the original source of the money. All he knows is that the corporation gave him the money. Since the corporation gave him the money, he owes a favor to that corporation. The ultimate effect can be as if there was little or no limit on individual contributions.
George W. Bush set records for the use of money bundling.
A 2004 article in the
Los Angeles Times discussed how he used money bundling in preparation for the 2004 Presidential election:
Hundreds of volunteers have helped Bush’s reelection campaign amass more than $175 million in nine months, the most ever collected in a presidential race… Bathgate says he has collected more than $500,000 for the campaign, and his techniques offer a glimpse into the Bush money machine and how it proved so successful. The Bush campaign, meanwhile, has kept track of how much he and other major fundraisers collected, creating a type of rivalry among them. Bathgate is just one of 187 so-called Rangers who have each collected $200,000 or more in contributions. Another 268 Pioneers have each raised $100,000. These efforts have given Bush a huge financial edge over Massachusetts Sen. John F. Kerry, the presumptive Democratic nominee…
Bundling money is nothing new, but it still troubles watchdog organizations. “The Bush team has refined the bundling operation to a high art. The problem with all these bundling schemes is that they’re contrary to the spirit of campaign finance laws, which limits the amount of money or clout any single American should have with a politician”… After the 2000 campaign, Bush appointed 24 Pioneers as U.S. ambassadors. He named four other Pioneers to his Cabinet… Among the Pioneers and Rangers are Wall Street chief executives, real estate developers, trade group presidents, lawyers, lobbyists and executives representing such industries as insurance, oil and gas, healthcare and pharmaceuticals…
Money equated with speech in U.S. Supreme Court decisionsThe 1976
U.S. Supreme Court decision Buckley v. Valeo was the beginning of the U.S. Supreme Court’s efforts to equate money with speech. That decision was a mixed blessing. On the one hand, it recognized that there should be a
limit to the First Amendment’s free speech clause protection of campaign contributions. Specifically, it said that if excessive campaign contributions could be seen to have corrupting influences on the behavior of our government, Congress should be allowed to put a limit on campaign contributions for that reason.
On the other hand the
Buckley decision essentially said that money can be
equated with speech, by saying that our First Amendment protects the right of candidates for public office and independent parties to spend unlimited amounts of money on political campaigns in the form of “speech”. That decision is
explained here:
The Court concurred in part with the appellants' claim, finding that the restrictions on political contributions and expenditures "necessarily reduced the quantity of expression by restricting the number of issues discussed, the depth of the exploration, and the size of the audience reached. This is because virtually every means of communicating ideas in today's mass society requires the expenditure of money." The Court then determined that such restrictions on political speech could only be justified by an overriding governmental interest.
The
2006 U.S. Supreme Court decision Randall v. Sorrell went well beyond
Buckley v. Valeo. That decision not only reiterated the principle of allowing large political campaign expenditures by candidates for public office and third parties, but it also struck down a portion of a 2006 Vermont law that limited campaign contributions, thus making even more clear the equating of money and speech.
The 2010
U.S. Supreme Court decision in
Citizens United v. The Federal Elections Commission was a particularly severe perversion of our First Amendment rights, by virtue of the fact that, by allowing corporations to spend
unlimited amounts of money to air their political views – i.e. propaganda in the service of their self interest – their ability to drown out the views of ordinary Americans was greatly expanded.
The decision defied common sense in its astounding hypocrisy, in that it outright denied that spending money on behalf of government officials had the potential to even give the
appearance of government corruption:
This Court now concludes that independent expenditures, including those made by corporations, do not give rise to corruption or the appearance of corruption. That speakers may have influence over or access to elected officials does not mean that those officials are corrupt. And the appearance of influence or access will not cause the electorate to lose faith in this democracy.
The disconnect between Congressional disapproval and election resultsWhen money inordinately influences election results, we see a disconnection between national trends in voter preferences and election results. While a political party that is more favorable to ordinary people may be clearly favored nationally, the political party that is more favorable to the interests of the wealthy will pour tons of money into local campaigns in the months preceding an election. Thus, through access to our communications media and other corporate spending, corporate and oligarchic interests are able to persuade voters who favor the peoples’ party nationally that in their local races it is the corporate/oligarchic candidate who best represents their interests.
The results of this can be clearly seen in data that breaks down Congressional approval ratings by political party. In the
26 Gallup Congressional approval polls between June 1999 and April 2011, the public favored Congressional Democrats over Republicans in 22 of those 26 polls – the only 4 exceptions were following the 9-11 attacks. Yet, during this time period Republicans controlled Congress more than Democrats most of the time. Even on the eve of the Republican Congressional election landslide of 2010, in August 2010, the American public favored Democrats in Congress more than Republicans.
FAILING DEMOCRACYEquating money with speech is an outrageous perversion of democracy
It is well known that money contributed to political campaigns is translated into votes. Therefore, by allowing unlimited campaign contributions, the end result is that the wealthy have orders of magnitude more influence in elections (i.e. more votes) than other people. This makes a mockery of the principle of
one person, one vote.
The problem of equating money with speech is that some people have a lot more money than other people. Therefore, wealthy people, by virtue of the fact that they have orders of magnitude more money than poor people, also have orders of magnitude more access to “speech”.
Doris Haddock said it about as well as anyone:
If money is speech, then those with more money have more speech, and that idea is antithetical to a democracy that cherishes political fairness. It makes us no longer equal citizens.
The equating of money with speech is an outrageous perversion of our First Amendment. Campaign contributions do not express opinions. The permitting of huge or unlimited campaign contributions does not contribute one iota to the discovery of truth, which is the purpose our Founding Fathers had in mind for the free speech clause of the
First Amendment to our Constitution. Quite the contrary, when excessive, campaign contributions are frequently used to “influence” – i.e. bribe – government officials to do the bidding of those who contribute money to them, to the detriment of the public interest. Legislators, in the interest of those whom they are elected to serve, should have not only the right, but the obligation to create legislation that prohibits that kind of corruption.
Jeff Milchen explains the meaning and consequences of this type of perversion with respect to the
Randall v. Sorrell USSC decision:
The justices told legislators and reform advocates, who possess first-hand experience of political corruption, that their concerns are merely theoretical…. The Court effectively prohibits states from leveling the political playing field between the wealthy citizens and everyone else…
The court clearly is interpreting the Constitution in a way that prevents representative democracy… With its ruling in Randall, the court is supporting the segregation of Americans into two distinct classes, just as it did when it twice supported blatantly discriminatory poll taxes that disenfranchised black citizens (and some poor whites) for nearly a century after the 15th Amendment officially enabled them to vote in 1870.
Today, one political class is the overwhelming majority – we express our preferences with our votes or volunteer efforts. The other class consists of those wielding real power – the ability to finance the bulk of candidates' campaigns and effectively "set the menu" of candidates from which the rest of us may choose.
The U.S. Supreme Court statement in
Citizens United that independent expenditures of money on political campaigns “do not give rise to corruption” or even “the appearance of corruption” is even more absurd. The five justices who voted for that decision are either stupid beyond belief or they are liars. Either way, they should all be impeached for that decision alone.
ConsequencesAt least from the early 1930s to the present, with the onset of FDR’s New Deal, the Republican Party has been the Party of the corporatocracy and the oligarchy, while relative to the Republican Party, the Democratic Party has been the Party of the people. But as money has come to play a larger and larger role in election campaigns, and as the wealth divide in our country has
increased to record highs, the Democratic Party has in recent years become more attuned to the corporatocracy/oligarchy and accordingly less attuned to the people. The effects of that can be seen in abysmally low Congressional approval ratings even since 2007, during which time the Democrats controlled both Houses of Congress for four (of four and a half) years and one House of Congress for the other half year.
There is a very good reason for why public approval of the U.S. Congress has been almost constantly below 50% for the past 17 years and has hovered in mid-20% range for the past couple of years. Our government is corrupt to its core. In a society where bribery of government officials is routinely practiced and
legal – and where therefore politicians have become dependent upon money from wealthy donors to stay in office – it should not be the least bit surprising that sociopaths tend to rise to the top of our system. Nor should it be surprising that the sociopaths that we elect in such a system represent and serve primarily the interests of a small minority of wealthy individuals, and that the rest of society suffers accordingly for that.
Thus it is that the United States is fast becoming, or has already become a
plutocracy – a government run by the wealthy and for the wealthy. More specifically:
The term "plutocracy" is formally defined as government by the wealthy, and is also sometimes used to refer to a wealthy class that controls a government, often from behind the scenes. More generally, a plutocracy is any form of government in which the wealthy exercise the preponderance of political power, whether directly or indirectly.
And this is the way it will remain until the American people recognize the consequences of a system of government in which: bribery of government officials is legal; in which money has overwhelming influence in our elections, and; in which the highest court in the land allows unlimited use of money to influence elections on the absurd assumption that doing so cannot give rise to corruption.